Poverty-Environment Conference Archive
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Poverty & environment discussion group
COMMENTS ON POVERTY & ENVIRONMENT.
Camilla Toulmin, IIED Drylands (sorry! an ecoregion....)
Thank you for including me in this email discussion. I am responding
from an agricultural/ rural land use viewpoint. I have forwarded the
paper to my urban colleagues to respond on those issues.
I particularly enjoyed Chipman's comments many of which I agreed with.
I have a number of comments, many of which are supportive of the
arguments being made in this paper and some which would query some of
the language and methods.
1. It worries me greatly to hear that the dominant view in the
environment & development community is one which continues to link
poverty and the environment in a downward spiral. I had thought we
had moved on from here.
But perhaps this paper polarises views for the purposes of creating a
clearer argument, which is fine if you are conducting an academic
debate. It becomes more problematic if you are trying also to move
the debate into a different world, where setting the terms of the
argument in such a polar fashion may actively put people off.
There is no single `orthodox' view, so far as I can see.
Surely the important question to ask is: under what conditions does
this kind of process linking poverty and degradation occur, and under
what circumstances does a very different set of responses develop? To
what extent are people are seen as passive victims, unable to adapt
and respond in positive fashion to the circumstances in which they
find themselves? This debate has much in common with `gap analysis'
regarding resources such as fuelwood, which usually extrapolates a set
of trends into the future with no account taken of the fact that
people usually adapt and change their behaviour when scarcity sets in,
prices change, new opportunities develop, etc.
On page 15: the paper notes `it is necessary to ask under what
circumstances may the orthodox link between poverty and environment be
found to operate'. This is the question that needs further
amplification and attention.
2. The livelihoods approach is important in setting questions of
natural resource/ land/ environmental management within the broader
set of choices faced by rural people. I feel less convinced of the
`entitlements approach' as a means to provide insight about what is
happening. I think it is mainly the term itself which I find
confusing, rather than helping clarify the issues. It would be better
to unpack the term `environmental entitlements' into everyday language
if greater engagement with policy makers and practitioners is to be
achieved. Entitlements suggests for me something which you have a
right to (in a normative sense), which is not quite the same as what
is being described here which is the bundle of arrangements and
institutions by which people gain access to different kinds of
resource.
3. Are poor people able to adopt protective mechanisms and safeguard
the resources on which some part of their livelihoods are based? -
well it all depends, doesn't it? There is no guarantee that local
determination of environmental problems and local negotiation will
guarantee favourable outcomes for poor people.
4. The view that poverty eradication must come first and then
environmental protection is not one which I encounter in the field of
drylands management since the issue of how to support more sustainable
livelihoods for people in these environments tends to be inextricably
entwined with management of the basic environment - viz. soils,
biomass, water.
5. The paper rightly notes that terms like `community' are used
indiscriminately to mean a wide variety of things, just like
`participation'. I think that people are gradually moving towards an
understanding of differentiation and how different people and
interests exist and interact within a `community'.
6. I found the section on poverty a useful summary, with its emphasis
on vulnerability and processes of impoverishment and improvement.
7. I don't quite understand the aversion to `ecoregions'. Maybe I am
missing something. Surely this is useful shorthand for encapsulating
certain characteristics of the agro-ecosystem? All generalisations
have their drawbacks but also certain advantages in terms of enabling
us to work with broad concepts. I am not sure how we gain anything
from talking of `people in places'.
I would recommend trying to summarise certain elements of the argument
in simple form. I made a start with the following:
* `communities' are made up of a wide range of people, rich/poor,
old/young, female/male.......
* people can improve as well as degrade the environment, if the
broader conditions are right
* there is a lot of local wisdom regarding management of the
environment in rural societies, without which they would have gone out
of business generations ago. It makes sense to build on this
* it is not only the overall availability of land and other NRs which
count, but also the rules and rights through which people gain access
to these resources.
* support to local institutions is a good place to start, rather than
assuming that new institutions must be created. However, local
institutional arrangements do not guarantee access for all to
resources of value and may discriminate systematically against certain
weaker groups
Minor items:
· Nice new article on mapping movement of the desert edge by Nicholson
et al (1998) for those of you interested in the desertification
debate. Bull American Meterological Society 79(5):815-829.
· p34-5 cf. forestry legislation for Guinea. New forestry legislation
for Mali should be providing farmers with rights to plant and harvest
trees on their own land.
IIED-Drylands Programme
4 Hanover Street, Edinburgh EH2 2EN, UK.
Tel: +44 131 624 7040/ Fax:+44 131 624 7050
E.mail: drylands@iied.org
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DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in this message are solely those of the author; they do not necessary reflect the views of the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) or the European Commission (EC).
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