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THE MULTILATERAL TRADE REGIME SEEN THROUGH A GLOBAL PUBLIC GOODS LENS: NEW INSIGHTS ON OLD PROBLEMS

 
 
CONTEXT
THE ISSUE
GLOBAL PUBLIC GOODS APPROACH
THE QUESTOIN FOR DEBATE
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CONTEXT

Some quotable quotes:

"All countries have much more to gain than to lose from opening up their markets. As a new round of trade talks begins, the international community should make a commitment to pursue further reforms."

-Simon J. Evenett, World Trade Institute

"The evidence from individual cases and from cross-country analysis supports the view that open trade regimes lead to faster growth and poverty reduction in poor countries."

-David Dollar and Aart Kraay, World Bank

"[E]conomic theory suggests that the reduction of border barriers such as tariffs will benefit both the importing and the exporting nation…trade agreements can be presumed to be win-win. But theory does not suggest that this will necessarily be the case for deeper arrangements that deal with behind-the-border policies."

-Nancy Birdsall and Robert Z. Lawrence, Harvard University

"Like putting a rabbit and a tiger in the same cage."

-A Sri Lankan activist, when asked about free trade between developing and industrial countries


In the last fifty years, there has been a marked expansion of the multilateral trade regime–more commonly known as the World Trade Organization (WTO) - both in terms of coverage of issues and membership. Its expanded scope, particularly covering so-called behind-the-border-policies across a growing number of countries, makes this regime easily display global public goods characteristics of de facto non-exclusivity and non-rivalry. (See Table 1, Table 2 and Figure 1.) This regime is being placed in the global public domain–affecting all–largely through the confluence of individual countries' policies.

Yet even as the 5th WTO Ministerial meeting in Cancun, Mexico approaches, there is still a raging debate as to the net benefits that developing countries gain from membership in this regime. Many in the developing world argue that the last major round of trade negotiations–the Uruguay Round–generated skewed benefits in favor of the industrialized countries. Still, as the quotes above indicate, there are those who support further trade liberalization and expansion of the WTO. Perhaps most important in the present context, the issue of whether and to what extent a new "development round" could be launched is at the center of ongoing discussions.

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THE ISSUE

Prospects for a "development round" in Cancun seem bleak at present. Already, there appears to be a stalemate on many issues of interest to developing countries, including, among others, those on further agricultural liberalization in Northern countries and the balance between Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and health.

The challenge for international policymakers is clear. There are high expectations of what the trade regime should be able to deliver in terms of development; but, there appears to be a large disconnect between those expectations and the reality of trade negotiations and outcomes.

One way forward is to adopt a change in optic - to view the WTO trade regime as a global public good. Examining the trade regime from a GPG perspective could reveal many policy implications and possible reforms previously not considered. The question is: What could be the policy insights derived from viewing this regime as global public good (GPG)? If fact, the GPG lens could provide additional arguments for establishing a two-tiered multilateral trade regime that would take adequate stock of disparities in trading capacity between industrial and developing countries.


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A GLOBAL PUBLIC GOODS APPROACH

As tables 1 and 2 show, the multilateral trade regime can be described as a global public good in form. The regime is available to and affects a large group of member countries, and it has strong properties of nonrivalrous consumption and nonexcludable benefits (or costs).

As more countries effectively join the multilateral trade regime, the portion of the market governed by this regime becomes larger and more diverse. Hence there are also benefits from network externalities and greater product variety (i.e. traded goods and services and financial products and investment vehicles). But perhaps most important, trade provides many countries with important development and growth benefits. For all these reasons the rules of the club emphasize the expansion and nonexclusivity of membership, as long as new members accept existing rules.

Clearly, there is an important distinction to be made here. The construction of the trade regime is an issue of international cooperation–countries see it in their interest to cooperate in order to build and be part of this regime. This is different from the competitive dynamic that governs the conduct of trade itself. On this point, the paper,

"Towards Free and Fair Trade: A global public goods perspective" by R.U. Mendoza and C. Bahadur (Challenge (45) 5:21-62, New York: M.E. Sharpe.) might shed more light on the topic.

One interesting point to take forward for further discussion is to consider whether and to what extent the WTO trade regime is a GPG in form but not one in substance. That is, if the trade regime is fast becoming a de facto global public good in form because a large and still growing number of countries fall under its expanding discipline, then the question is: Is it also generating balanced welfare gains for its member countries–industrial and developing–and hence is it also a global public good in substance?

And if this regime, indeed, does not generate balanced benefits for the countries that are affected by it, then perhaps a policy message could be that "goods" placed in a highly stratified public domain tend to lead to imbalanced benefits, possibly even exacerbating and reinforcing existing inequities.

Referring back to the quote earlier, perhaps what is needed are "separate cages," or a two-tiered multilateral trade regime that takes into account the disparity in capacity to trade between industrial and developing countries. Some of the elements comprising such a regime may take the form of, among other things, stronger special and differential treatment built into all existing and future WTO agreements, and the more general use of "safety valves" for particularly vulnerable countries, such as escape clauses in the Agreement on TRIPS in cases of national emergency. In this regard, it might be of interest to refer to the papers:

"The Global Governance of Trade as if Development Really Mattered" by Dani Rodrik (United Nations Development Programme, New York 2001)

and "Making Global Trade Work for People," a report published by UNDP.

The main objective of this discussion group is to examine these and related issues in more detail, and start eliciting opinions as to the appropriate policy response in time for the Cancun Ministerial.

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THE QUESTION FOR DEBATE

Comments and observations would be, in particular, appreciated on the following:

Question 1: From your vantage point, what are some additional facts and figures that could lend support to–or refute–the argument that the WTO regime is a GPG in form but not in substance?
Question 2: Assuming one would like to bring the multilateral trade regime closer to becoming a GPG in form and substance, what relevant reforms might be needed? Are such measures potential elements of a two-tiered multilateral trade regime? Are such measures included in the agenda of the upcoming trade ministerial in Cancun this September?

 

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The discussion forum on this issue will be open from 7 through 21 July 2003. After the discussion closes, we will prepare a report with reflections on the debate, which will be published on this website.

 

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